Massive Flood of Non-White Immigrants....
According to the Sydney Morning Herald, murderous non-white immigrants are running wild in the streets of Sydney, while Asians are replacing white Australians as the new "professional elite". I could easily post another hundred "disaster" articles just like these, but that would be 'off topic' for this forum.
See articles below.
Yesireeeee, despite being a "dimwit", "right wing reactionary", "old fart" and the "village idiot" I can still read.
-- Phyllis
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Immigrant Gangsters' Hold on Sydney is Safe
Sydney Morning Herald - Editorial
December 22, 2005
For too long our politicians and police have turned their backs on a festering problem writes Miranda Devine.
FORGET Clover Moore as the Grinch of Sydney's Christmas. The "Lions of Lebanon" with their Glock pistols and Molotov cocktails have put her to shame this holy season. While the NSW police lock down entire beachfront suburbs, instruct stores to stop selling baseball bats, and apply the full force of the law to pasty-faced nerds with a taste for Nazi literature, they continue to cower from the real hardmen, the Lebanese criminal gangs of Sydney's south-west who have ruled the roost in this city for at least a decade and now number in their thousands.
So when parents and children attending Christmas carols on Monday night, December 12, at St Joseph the Worker Primary School in South Auburn were abused and spat on by "young men of Middle Eastern appearance", there were no police to protect them. Not even when the sounds of gunshots echoed inside the church, and parked cars were pumped full of bullets. "Police were called by a number of parents and the principal, but they were unable to attend because they were needed elsewhere," said Cardinal George Pell in a statement.
The police were busy that night - Sydney's mini Kristallnacht "night of the broken glass" - as carloads of men drove east from Lakemba and Punchbowl to systematically attack whole streets of parked cars with bats and machetes. Identified by police as being of the proverbial Middle-Eastern appearance - code for Lebanese Muslim, despite the fact many are second-generation Australians - they also stabbed a man, smashed a woman's head with a bat, attacked another woman in a pizza shop and a man who was putting out his rubbish.
They were extracting revenge for the riot the day before on Cronulla beach when a protest against continuing intimidation of beachgoers by thugs described as Lebanese turned ugly and drunken racists attacked passers-by suspected of being "Lebs".
The retaliation from the gangs of the south-west was a calculated show of strength, with victims reportedly being asked if they were "Australian" before being attacked. Over the next 24 hours another three churches in Sydney's south-west were attacked.
With police unable to guarantee safety, Holy Spirit College at Lakemba cancelled its carols service. Other schools in the south-west cancelled concerts and end-of-year presentations or hired security guards.
Thus the lead-up to Christmas this year has been notable for a rash of cancellations of traditional yuletide activities. The North Cronulla surf carnival was called off. As was the Bondi Surf Bathers Life Saving Club's annual Christmas cheer party, and a carols concert expected to draw 3000 people to Coogee beach.
Rather than a problem of race, religion or multiculturalism, Sydney is suffering from a longstanding crime problem. It is a textbook case of how soft policing and lenient magistrates embolden successive waves of criminals, infecting other people who might otherwise have been law-abiding.
The roots of the problem can be traced back to Telopea Street, Punchbowl, in 1998 when a Korean schoolboy, Edward Lee, 14, was stabbed to death because he went to the wrong house for a birthday party and looked at the wrong people in the wrong way. He didn't know that a notorious group of extended Lebanese-Muslim families, descended from the lawless hill tribes of Northern Lebanon, lived in Telopea Street.
When police arrived they were surrounded and intimidated by about 100 people. For two years they seemed incapable of solving the crime, despite at least 20 witnesses.
Lee's mother, Soobin, searching for clues to the death of her only child, went doorknocking in Telopea Street and the inhabitants laughed in her face. His father took to sleeping on top of his son's grave and weeping.
Eventually a youth, who was 15 at the time of the stabbing, was charged with Lee's killing. In 2003, the youth, who had said "f---ing Asian deserved it" after the stabbing, was sentenced to a maximum of 10 years in jail. His friend, now-jailed triple murderer Michael Kanaan, received a three-year sentence for being an accessory after the fact.
But Lee's killing had brought unwanted police attention to Telopea Street's criminal activities, which included drugs and car rebirthing rackets. Soon Lakemba police station was attacked with machine-gun fire, death threats were made to police on their radio network and a police car was shot at as it travelled down Telopea Street. Kanaan was acquitted this year of the attack on the police station, which prosecutors said was to teach police a lesson for "hassling Lebanese people". An alleged accomplice skipped bail and was arrested in Lebanon on terrorism charges. No one has been brought to justice over the attack.
The police commissioner of the time, Peter Ryan, talked tough and did little.
Seven years later, the police are still running scared.
Last week, Channel Seven reported it had obtained a police incident report instructing police officers to stay away from Punchbowl Park that Monday night, where a group of men were congregating before heading to Maroubra.
The report said "a direction was given to police about midnight not to enter the area and antagonise these persons".
The Police Minister, Carl Scully, told reporters he defended the decision not to confront the group. Superintendent John Richardson was quoted saying a car crew sent to Punchbowl Park, where 10 cars and 40 men had gathered, was "ordered to withdraw and observe from afar. There was no trouble and sending police in would only cause trouble."
Setting the example of an astonishing lack of nerve, the Premier, Morris Iemma, told Sydneysiders to stay away from the beach for safety and then cancelled his Christmas media reception which had been scheduled for last Wednesday night. He appeared in every media appearance like a rabbit frozen in the spotlight, perhaps frightened of alienating Lebanese Muslims in his electorate of Lakemba.
That Iemma's electorate is at war with former premier Bob Carr's former electorate of Maroubra is a handy synchronicity. It highlights the ALP's long-term culpability in creating the monster that is plaguing the city, its history of ethnic branch-stacking and "whatever it takes" tactics to shore up support in the heartland electorates of the south-west, its policy of spin and cover-up which is at last coming undone.
As one passenger last week told taxi driver Adrian Neylan, who has chronicled the violence on his weblog, "the gangs have won".
Indeed they have, but the recent display of official cowardice in the face of the criminal gangs of Sydney's south-west is just a taste of the way Sydney has been run for a decade.
http://www.smh.com.au/news/opinion/...1135032077070.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap2
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Asian Invasion Displacing Aussie Elite -----------
The Changing Face of our Professional Elite
By Michael Duffy
Sydney Morning Herald
November 12, 2005
THE big change no one talks about is the growing success of people from Asian backgrounds in the professions. If present rates continue, they could form a majority of Australian professionals within a generation or two. Such an outcome would be unusual: perhaps the first time in history a nation's elite has invited another group to come in and replace it.
Asians are the first significant group of immigrants to this country to come from, or at least aspire urgently to enter, the middle class. They are far more successful in education than other Australians. For instance, in the 2004 HSC, about 350 of the top 1000 students had Asian surnames. As people of Asian background comprise about 7 per cent of the population, this means they did five times better as a group than other Australians. This success has been going on for more than a decade: in 1993, for example, the figure was 330.
I don't have figures for all pupils (there are almost no publicly available figures on any aspect of this subject) but there's a lot of anecdotal evidence to suggest this level of achievement is reflected in all HSC results and continues into university courses. An article in People and Place by Siew-ean Khoo and Bob Birrell looked at how many males aged 25 to 34 in 1996 had tertiary qualifications. For those with parents born in Australia it was 17.7 per cent, for China 48.8 per cent, and for India 31.3 per cent.
At university, many courses have well over 7 per cent Asian students. For example, one informed academic told me four years ago that about 50 per cent of entry level dentistry students and a quarter of medical students were from Asian backgrounds. The general pattern is that the numbers are highest in numerate subjects such as IT and accounting, and lower in courses such as law. Whatever the figures might be at the moment, they will increase, as more than 50 per cent of immigrants have come from Asia for many years now.
Many university students are full-fee foreign students, of whom there are more than 200,000. Between 30 and 40 per cent get visas on graduation. The Government has hardly increased the number of domestic university places since 1996, so these graduates are literally taking jobs that would once have gone to Australian citizens.
In 1998 foreign full-fee students comprised 34 per cent of all degree completions in IT and 32 per cent in the business/administration/economics field. Last year, 5267 visas were granted to foreign IT graduates at a time when 30 per cent of domestic graduates were having trouble finding work. Madness.
A recent report for CPA Australia said that in 2003-04, 47 per cent of all commencing students in accountancy came from overseas, mainly Asia. It also noted the estimate of IDP Australia (the universities-owned firm that sells Australian education abroad) that by 2025 there will be almost as many overseas students studying at Australian universities as there are local students today.
Does it matter if, say by 2030, people of Asian background make up 10 per cent of the general population but several times that of those in elite jobs? Opinions would vary if people were asked, but they're not. The nation is making this big change without any public discussion.
What is certain, though, is that many young Australians have been excluded from university over the past decade, due to the failure to increase domestic university places in line with the growing population.
Perhaps the reason there has been no public discussion of these changes (apart from fear of being called racist) is that those who contribute most to public debate have not yet been seriously affected by them.
There are, after all, far less than 7 per cent Asian faces in Parliament, the media, and the humanities and social science faculties of our universities. And those of us in these circles who are parents are (relatively) smart and wealthy enough to help our kids get into university, with a bit of luck.
It is interesting that the Prime Minister, once a critic of the rate of Asian immigration, is now presiding over what amounts to the demographic reconstruction of this country's elite, at the expense of the children of those once known as Howard's battlers. Strange behaviour from a self-declared conservative.
A recent report for CPA Australia said that in 2003-04, 47 per cent of all commencing students in accountancy came from overseas, mainly Asia. It also noted the estimate of IDP Australia (the universities-owned firm that sells Australian education abroad) that by 2025 there will be almost as many overseas students studying at Australian universities as there are local students today.
Does it matter if, say by 2030, people of Asian background make up 10 per cent of the general population but several times that of those in elite jobs? Opinions would vary if people were asked, but they're not. The nation is making this big change without any public discussion.
What is certain, though, is that many young Australians have been excluded from university over the past decade, due to the failure to increase domestic university places in line with the growing population.
Perhaps the reason there has been no public discussion of these changes (apart from fear of being called racist) is that those who contribute most to public debate have not yet been seriously affected by them.
There are, after all, far less than 7 per cent Asian faces in Parliament, the media, and the humanities and social science faculties of our universities. And those of us in these circles who are parents are (relatively) smart and wealthy enough to help our kids get into university, with a bit of luck.
It is interesting that the Prime Minister, once a critic of the rate of Asian immigration, is now presiding over what amounts to the demographic reconstruction of this country's elite, at the expense of the children of those once known as Howard's battlers. Strange behaviour from a self-declared conservative.
http://www.smh.com.au/news/opinion/...fessional-elite/2005/11/11/1131578230428.html
THE RISE OF MIDDLE EASTERN CRIME IN AUSTRALIA
by retired NSW detective Tim Priest
Source:
Quadrant Magazine Society
January 2004 - Volume XLVIII Number 1-2
http://www.quadrant.org.au/php/article_view.php?article_id=581
I believe that the rise of Middle Eastern organised crime in Sydney will have an
impact on society unlike anything we have ever seen.
In the early 1980s, as a young detective I was attached to the Drug Squad at the
old CIB. I remember executing a search warrant at Croydon, where we found
nearly a pound of heroin. I know that now sounds very familiar; however, what
set this heroin apart was that it was Beaker Valley Heroin, markedly different
from any heroin I had seen. Number Four heroin from the golden triangle of
South East Asia is nearly always off white, almost pure diamorphine. This heroin
was almost brown.
But more remarkable were the occupants of the house. They were very
recent arrivals from Lebanon, and from the moment we entered the
premises, we wrestled and fought with the male occupants, were abused
and spat at by the women and children, and our search took five times
longer because of the impediments placed before us by the occupants,
including the women hiding heroin in baby nappies and on themselves
and refusing to be searched by policewomen because of religious beliefs.
We had never encountered these problems before.
As was the case in those days, we arrested every adult and teenager who had
hampered our search. When it came to court, they were represented by Legal
Aid, of course, who claimed that these people were innocent of the minor charges
of public disorder and hindering police, because they were recent arrivals from a
country where people have an historical hatred towards police, and that they also
had poor communications skills and that the police had not executed the warrant
in a manner that was acceptable to the Muslim occupants.
The magistrate, well known to police as one who convicted fewer than one in ten
offenders brought before him during his term at Burwood local court, threw the
matter out, siding with the occupants and condemning the police. I remember
thinking; thank heavens we don't run into many Lebanese drug dealers.
Lebanese family terrorises neighbourhood
In 1994 I was stationed at Redfern. A well known Lebanese family who lived not
far from the old Redfern Police Academy were terrorising the locals with random
assaults, drug dealing, robberies and violent anti-social behaviour. When some
young police from Redfern told me about them, curiosity got the better of me and
I asked them to show me the street they lived in.
Despite the misgivings of the young police, I eventually saw this family and the
presence they had in the immediate area. As we drove away in our marked police
car, a half brick bounced on the roof of the vehicle. The driver kept going.
I said, 'What are you doing, they've just hit the car with a house brick!" The
young constable said, "Oh, they always do that when we drive past."
The police were either too scared or too lazy to do anything about it. The damage
bill on police cars became costly and these street terrorists grew stronger and the
police became purely defensive. You see, the Police Royal Commission was about
to start and the police retreated inside themselves knowing that the judicial
system considered them easy targets. The police did not want to get hurt or
attract Internal Affairs complaints.
Call me stupid, call me a dinosaur, but I made sure that day that at least one
person in the group that threw the brick was arrested. I began by approaching
the group just as that magistrate had lectured me and the other police involved in
the Croydon search warrant. I simply asked who threw the brick. I was greeted
with abuse and threats. I then reverted to the old ways of policing. I grabbed the
nearest male and convinced him that it was he who had thrown the brick. His
brave mates did nothing. By the time we arrived at the police station, this young
fool had become compliant, apologetic and so afraid that he kept crying. You may
not agree with what I did, but I paraded this goose around the police station for
all the young police to see what they had become frightened of.
For some months after that, police routinely rounded up the family whenever it
was warranted. However, some years later, with a change of Police Commander
and the advent of duty officers under Peter Ryan, the family got back on top and
within months had murdered a young Australian man who had wandered into
their area drunk. They had set up a caravan where they sold drugs twenty four
hours a day. They tied up half the police station with Internal Affairs complaints
ranging from the sublime to the ridiculous, but under Peter Ryan, these
complaints were always treated seriously.
In effect, this family had taken control of Redfern. Senior police did their best to
limit police action against them, fearing an avalanche of IA complaints that would
count against the Commander at Peter Ryan's next Op Crime Review.
I hope the examples I have just used don't give the impression that I am a racist
or a bully. The point I want to make from the start is that policing has never been
rocket science. It is about human dynamics, street psychology, experience, a
little bit of theatre and a substantial quantity of common sense. Sure, forensics
and the advances of DNA, rapid fingerprint identification and electronic
eavesdropping have taken policing to a new level of sophistication, but ultimately,
when an offender is identified by whatever means, scientific or otherwise, it all
comes down to the interaction between the investigator and the offender during
the arrest and interview process. Violent and abusive offenders do not respect the
law or those who enforce it. But they do respect the old style cop who doesn't
take a backward step and can't be intimidated. When they encounter cops like
that, they fold quickly there is rarely much behind the veneer of bravado.
In 1996 with the arrival of Peter Ryan, and the continued public humiliation of the
New South Wales Police through the Wood Royal Commission, a chain of events
began that have affected the police so deeply and so completely that, as far as
ensuring community safety is concerned, I fear it will take at least a generation to
regain the lost ground.
The rise of Middle Eastern crime groups in NSW
It was about 1995 to 1996 that the emergence of Middle Eastern crime groups
was first observed in New South Wales. Before then they had been largely known
for individual acts of anti social behaviour and loose family structures involved in
heroin importation and supply as well as motor vehicle theft and conversion. The
one crime that did appear organised before this period was insurance fraud,
usually motor vehicle accidents and arson. Because these crimes were largely
victimless, they were dealt with by insurance companies and police involvement
was limited. But from these insurance scams, a generation of young criminals
emerged to, become engaged in more sophisticated crimes, such as extortion,
armed robbery, organised narcotics importation and supply, gun running,
organised factory and warehouse break ins, car theft and conversion on a
massive scale including the exporting of stolen luxury vehicles to Lebanon and
other Middle Eastern countries.
As the police began to gather and act on intelligence on these emerging Middle
Eastern gangs the first of the series of events took place. The New South Wales
Police was restructured under Peter Ryan. Crime Intelligence, the eyes and ears
of all police forces throughout the world, was dismantled overnight and a British
style intelligence unit was created. The formation of this unit and its factions has
been best described by Dr Richard Basham a library stocking outdated books. The
new Crime Intelligence and Information Section became completely reactive. It
received crime intelligence from the field and stored it. Almost no relevant
intelligence was ever dispensed to operational police from 1997 until I left in
2002. It was a disgrace.
One of the fundamental problems that arose out of the new intelligence structure
was that it no longer had a field capacity or a target development capacity. With
the old BCI there were field teams that were assigned to look into emerging
trends. Vietnamese, Romanian and Hong Kong Chinese groups were all targeted
after intelligence grew on their activities. When the alarm bells went off over
growing intelligence concerns about a new or current crime group, covert
operations were mounted.
Lebanese gangs intimidate police
When the Middle Eastern crime groups emerged in the mid to late 1990s no
alarms were set off. The Crime Intelligence unit was asleep. I know personally
that operational police in south west Sydney compiled enormous amounts of good
intelligence on the formation of Lebanese groups such as the Telopea Street Boys
and others in the Campsie, Lakemba, Fairfield and Punchbowl areas. The
inactivity could not have been because the intelligence reports weren't
interesting, because I have read many of them and from a policing perspective
they were damning. Many of the offenders that you now see in major criminal
trials or serving lengthy sentences in prison were identified back then.
But even more frustrating for operational police were the activities of this ethnic
crime group, activities that set it apart from almost all others bar the Cabramatta
5T. The Lebanese groups were ruthless, extremely violent, and they
intimidated not only innocent witnesses, but even the police that
attempted to arrest them.
As these crime groups encountered less resistance in terms of police operations
and enforcement, their power grew not only within their own communities, but
also all around Sydney except in Cabramatta, where their fear of the South East
Asian crime groups limited their forays. But the rest of Sydney became easy
pickings.
The second in the series of events began to take shape with Peter Ryan's
executive leadership team. Under Ryan's nose they began to carve up the New
South Wales Police and form little kingdoms where a senior police officer ruled
almost untouched by outside influence. They then appointed their own
commanders in the police stations. Almost all of them had little or no street
experience; but they in turn brought along their friends as duty officers, similarly
inexperienced. Some of the experience these police counted on their resumes
included stints at Human Resources, the Academy, the Police Band in one case,
the various cubby holes in Police Headquarters, almost no operational policing
experience yet they were tasked to lead. Never has the expression "the blind
leading the blind" been more appropriate.
The impact that this leadership team had on day today operational policing was
disastrous. In many of the key areas that were experiencing rapid rises in Middle
Eastern crime, these new leaders became more concerned with relations between
the police and ethnic minorities than with emerging violent crime. The power and
influence of the local religious and minority leaders cannot be overstated. Police
began to use selective law enforcement. They selected targets that were unlikely
to use their ethnic background and cultural beliefs to hinder police investigations
or arrests. It was mostly Anglo Saxons and Asians that were the targets, because
they were under represented by religious leaders and the media. They were soft
targets.
An example of the confrontations police nearly always experienced in Muslimdominated
areas when confronting even the most minor of crimes is an incident
that occurred in 2001 in Auburn. Two uniformed officers stopped a motor vehicle
containing three well known male offenders of Middle Eastern origin, on credible
information via the police radio that indicated that the occupants of the vehicle
had been involved in a series of break-and-enters. What occurred during the next
few hours can only he described as frightening.
When searching the vehicle and finding stolen property from the breakand-
enter, the police were physically threatened by the three occupants
of the car, including references to tracking down where the officers lived,
killing them and "****ing your girlfriends". The two officers were
intimidated to the point of retreating to their police car and calling for
urgent assistance.
When police back up arrived, the three occupants called their associates
via their mobile phones, which incidentally is the Middle Eastern radio
network used to communicate amongst gangs. Within minutes as many
as twenty associates arrived as well as another forty or so from the
street where they had been stopped. As further police cars arrived, the
Middle Eastern males became even more aggressive, throwing punches
at police, pushing police over onto the ground, threatening them with
violence and damaging police vehicles.
When the duty officer arrived, he immediately ordered all police back into their
vehicles and they retreated from the scene. The stolen property was not
recovered. No offender was arrested for assaulting police or damaging police
vehicles.
But the humiliation did not end there. The group of Middle Eastern males
then drove to the police station, where they intimidated the station staff,
damaged property and virtually held a suburban police station hostage.
The police were powerless. The duty officer ordered police not to
confront the offenders but to call for back up from nearby stations.
Eventually the offenders left of their own volition. No action was taken
against them.
In the minds of the local population, the police were cowards and the message
was, Lebs rule the streets. For a number of days, nothing was done to rectify this
total breakdown of law and order. To the senior police in the area, it was more
important to give the impression that local ethnic relations were never better. It
was also important to Peter Ryan that no bad news stories appeared that may
have given the impression that crime in any area was out of control. Had these
hoodlums been arrested they would have filed IA complaints immediately via their
Legal Aid lawyers and community leaders. To senior police, this was a cause for
concern at the next Op Crime Review.
So the incident was covered up until a few local veteran detectives found out
about it and decided to act. They went quietly to the addresses of the three main
offenders early one morning and took them away with a minimum of fuss and
charged them. Some order was restored, but not nearly enough.
By avoiding confrontations with these thugs, the police gave away the streets in
many of these areas in south-western Sydney. By putting in place inexperienced
senior police who had never copped the odd punch in the mouth or broken nose
in the line of duty, the police force hung the community and the local police out to
dry. Most of these duty officers had retreated to non-operational areas early in
their careers because they couldn't stomach the risks of front line policing. Yet
they put their hands up to take vital operational roles because the positions are
highly paid duty officers receive about $30,000 to $40,000 a year more than a
detective sergeant, which is ludicrous.
When I say that this type of policing was condoned and encouraged across wide
areas of New South Wales, I am not exaggerating. The problems in southwestern
Sydney are a direct result of covering up criminality because it went
against the script that Peter Ryan and his executive had continually pushed in the
media, day after day after day - that crime was on the decrease and Peter Ryan
was the world's best police commissioner.
In hundreds upon hundreds of incidents police have backed down to
Middle Eastern thugs and taken no action and allowed incidents to go
unpunished. Again I stress the unbelievable influence that local
politicians and religious leaders played in covering up the real state of
play in the south-west.
Spread of criminal gangs aided by incompetent police leadership
The third event was the reforming of Criminal Investigations into a centrallycontrolled
body called Crime Agencies. All the specialist crime squads were done
away with: Arson, Armed Robbery, Drugs, Organised Crime, Special Breaking,
Consorting, Vice, Gaming, Motor Vehicle Theft were wrapped up into one size fits
all. Ryan once boasted that by the time he finished retraining the New South
Wales Police, constables could investigate a traffic accident in the morning and a
homicide in the afternoon, a statement that summed up his Alice-in-Wonderland
policing theories. All the expertise and experience evaporated overnight.
It was as if the public hospitals had suddenly lost every surgeon and had GPs
perform major surgery. No matter how bright and dedicated these GPs were, they
would simply not have the expertise, the training and the experience to take
over. It would be a disaster. Well, that is what happened to criminal investigation
in this state. Crime Agencies was an unmitigated disaster. Yet those who
designed and ran this farce have gone on to highly paid government jobs.
The final straw for the New South Wales Police was the OCR 0p Crime Review,
which Peter Ryan and his executive team came up with. It was loosely based on
the groundbreaking Compstat program of the New York Police Department, the
brainchild of Commissioner William Bratton. The difference between Ryan's OCR
and the NYPD Compstat was that the NYPD model covered everything on the
criminal waterfront. The Ryan-inspired OCR had just six crimes. And those six
included domestic violence, random breath testing, theft, robbery, assaults and
motor vehicle theft - no drugs, organised crime, firearms, shootings, attempted
murders or homicides. The crimes that instil fear into the average citizen were
ignored, and with plenty of innovative answers as to why. The OCR focused police
attention on a limited number of crimes and allowed far more serious and deadly
crimes to get out of control.
So with a police force on the verge of bankruptcy, the Middle Eastern
crime problem was an explosion waiting to go off. I had observed the
beginnings of Asian organised crime whilst at the Drug Squad and later at the
National Crime Authority where I worked on two task forces, one of which was on
Chinese organised crime.
When I look back on the influence of Chinese organised crime in Australia, I see a
gradual but sustained trend, not one of high peaks in terms of activity or
incidents, but one of a well planned criminal enterprise that attracts little
attention. It's there but you can't always see it.
It probably took twenty years for the Chinese to become a dominant
force in crime in this city. But Middle Eastern crime has taken less than
ten years. So pervasive is their influence on organised crime that rival
ethnic groups, with the exception of the Asian gangs, have been
squeezed out or made extinct. The only other crime group to have survived
intact are the bikies, although the bikies these days have legitimised many of
their operations and now make as much money from legal means as they do
illegally. In many ways they have adopted US Mafia methods of legitimate
businesses shrouding their illegal operations.
With no organised crime function, no gang unit except for the South-East Asian
Strike Force, the New South Wales Police turned against every convention known
to Western policing in dealing with organised crime groups. In effect the Lebanese
crime gangs were handed the keys to Sydney.
Extortion and attacks on Australians
The most influential of the Middle Eastern crime groups are the Muslim
males of Telopea Street, Bankstown, known as the Telopea Street Boys.
They and their associates have been involved in numerous murders over
the past five years, many of them unprovoked fatal attacks on young
Australian men for no other reason than that they are "Skips", as they
call Australians.
They have been involved in all manner of crime on a scale we have never seen
before. Ram-raids on expensive stores in the city are epidemic. The theft of
expensive motor vehicles known as car-jacking is increasing at an alarming rate.
This crime involves gangs finding a luxury motor vehicle parked outside a
restaurant or hotel and watching until the occupants return to drive home. The
car is followed, the victims assaulted at gunpoint, and the vehicle stolen. The
vehicles are always around or above the $ 100,000 mark and are believed to be
taken to warehouses before being shipped interstate or to the Middle East.
Extortion on inner city nightclubs is largely unreported because of the dire
consequences of owners reporting these incidents to police. When I worked at
City Central Detectives just before I retired, I was involved in the initial
investigation of one brave nightclub owner in the inner city who did report this
crime. The Lebanese criminals were arrested after a sting operation. However, I
believe that after many violent threats the owner sold up and now lives interstate.
He once had a thriving business that for a nightclub ran a reputable
service, keeping out drugs, maintaining safety for patrons and co-operating with
the police.
The tactics used by the gang were simple. A large number of Middle Eastern
males would enter the club, upwards of twenty at a time. They would
outnumber the security staff and begin assaulting Australian male
patrons, sometimes stabbing them. The incident would be over in minutes
and the gang members would be long gone before police arrived. A few days
later, senior members of the gang, well dressed and business-like, would
approach the club owners and offer to provide protection from similar incidents
for around $2000 to $3000 a week. Many of the owners paid up and considered it
a necessary expense in keeping their business viable. If they didn't pay up, or
contacted the police, the gangs would wait some weeks, even months, before
returning to the nightclub and extracting a terrible revenge on the owners, who
would pay up or leave.
There is compelling intelligence that in one well-known entertainment
precinct in the city, nearly all the bars, nightclubs and hotels pay
protection money to Middle Eastern crime gangs.
What sets the Middle Eastern gangs apart from all other gangs is their propensity
to use violence at any time and for any reason. I thought I would never see the
level and type of violence that I saw with the South-East Asian gangs in
Cabramatta, particularly the 5T, the Four Aces and Madonna's Mob, which were a
breakaway from the old 5T. But the violence, although horrific, was almost always
local, that is within the Cabramatta area and almost always against fellow Asians.
As a result of that locally based violent crime it was relatively easy to identify the
culprits and break them up once we were given the resources after the police
revolt of 1999-2000.
Racial attacks against young Australians
The Middle Eastern cycle of violence is not local. It can occur on the central coast,
around Cronulla, Bondi, Darling Harbour, Five Dock, Redfern, Paddington,
anywhere in Sydney. Unlike their Vietnamese counterparts, they roam the city
and are not confined to either Cabramatta or Chinatown. And even more
alarming is that the violence is directed mainly against young Australian
men and women. There is a clear and definite link between violent
attacks on our young men and women being racial as well as criminal.
Quite often when taking statements from young men attacked by groups
of Lebanese males around Darling Harbour, a common theme has been
the racially motivated violence against the victims simply because they
are Australian.
I wonder whether the inventors of the racial hatred laws introduced
during the golden years of multiculturalism ever took into account that
we, the silent majority, would be the target of racial violence and hatred.
I don't remember any charges being laid in conjunction with the gang rapes of
south-western Sydney in 2001, where race was clearly an issue and race was
used to humiliate the victims. But then, unbelievably, a publicly funded document
produced by the Anti Discrimination Board called "The Race for Headlines" was
circulated, and it sought not only to cover up race as a motive for the rapes, but
to criticise any accurate media reporting on this matter as racially biased. It
worries many operational police that organisations like the Anti-Discrimination
Board, the Privacy Council and the Civil Liberties Council have become
unaccountable and push agendas that don't represent the values that this great
country was built on.
The extent to which Middle Eastern crime gangs have moved into the drug market
is breathtaking. They are now the main suppliers of cocaine in this city and are
now developing markets in south eastern Queensland and Victoria. They are
major suppliers of heroin in and around the inner city, south-western Sydney and
western Sydney.
Many of you would have heard of the horrific problems in France with the
outbreak of unprecedented crimes amongst an estimated five million Muslim
immigrants. Middle Eastern males now make up 45,000 of the 90,000 inmates in
French prisons. There are no-go areas in Paris for police and citizens alike. The
rule of law has broken down so badly that when police went to one of these areas
recently to round up three Islamic terrorists, they went in armoured vehicles, with
heavy weaponry and over 1000 armed officers, just to arrest a few suspects. Why
did it need such numbers? Because the threat of terrorist reprisal was minimal
compared to the anticipated revolt by thousands of Middle Eastern and North
African residents who have no respect for the rule of law in France and consider
intrusions by police and authority a declaration of war.
The problems in Paris in Muslim communities are being replicated here in Sydney
at an alarming rate. Paris has seen an explosion of rapes committed by Middle
Eastern males on French women in the past fifteen years. The rapes are almost
identical to those in Sydney. They are not only committed for sexual
gratification but also with deep racial undertones along with threats of
violence and retribution. What is more alarming is the identical reaction by
some sections of the media and criminologists in France of downplaying the
significance of race as an issue and even ganging up on those people who try to
draw attention to the widening gulf between Middle Eastern youth and the rest of
French society.
That is what we are seeing here. The usual suspects come out of their institutions
and libraries to downplay and even cover up the growing problem of Middle
Eastern crime. Why? My opinion, for what it's worth is that these same social
engineers have attempted to redefine our society. They have experimented with
all manner of institutions, from prisons to mental institutions and recently to
policing.
Some of the problems we now see with policing are the result of Peter Ryan's
dream of restructuring and retraining police. The Police Academy was changed
from a police training college into a university teaching social sciences and very
little else. Constantly I would see young police emerge from the academy with a
view that as police officers they were counsellors, psychologists, marriage
guidance experts, social workers and advocates for social change. but with almost
no skills in street policing. Their training had placed not only them in danger, but
also their workmates and the community.
Policing is about enforcing the rule of law. It has never been about analysing
every offender for the root causes of crime. That is not our job. The police enforce
the law and protect the community regardless of race, colour or religion. What we
have seen in south-west Sydney is ethnic communities being policed selectively.
The implications for this are frightening when you look at Paris. They had
selective policing of a particular community, which as a result is now out of
control.
In February 2001 when I appeared before the Cabramatta inquiry, I gave
evidence which at the time was controversial and attracted the usual claque of
ratbags and lunatics from the ABC and their associates at the Sydney Morning
Herald as well as that fruit loop Mike Carton from 2UE. I said that this city is
going to be torn apart by gang warfare the likes of which we have never seen
before. In 2003 I was finally proven right, but I take no comfort from that.
However, the criticism I received was unprecedented. I was a nutter, a liar, a
racist, a disgruntled detective - but I was right.
Ethnic gangs aided and protected by multicultural industry
The critics still refuse to concede that we have a problem. They are still clinging
to the multicultural theme. To highlight the problems with Middle Eastern
communities in this city is to threaten to tear down the multicultural facade.
The amount of money spent on the multicultural industry beggars belief. It is a
lucrative and sustainable position for many. Governments pay huge money to
anything that bears the word multicultural. Indeed the police department, like
other government departments, spends vast amounts on multicultural issues,
multicultural jobs, multicultural consultancies, education packages, legal advice,
public relations and the rest. Having expended large amounts of money on
multiculturalism, they are hardly likely to criticise it. Those that feed off
multiculturalism are not likely to question it.
When I gave evidence to the Cabramatta inquiry, I risked my career and my
safety in coming forward. I did it because I had sworn an oath to protect the
community I served. That community was Cabramatta. Cabramatta is made up
almost entirely of residents born outside this country, mostly South East Asians,
and their children. But when I went forward and exposed the shame of
Cabramatta, the residents were not Asians in my eyes, but Australians no matter
where they came from. It was my duty to speak up for them and to protect them.
Race was never an issue. I have received many awards in my police career but
the ones I hold dearest are those I received from the Cabramatta community.
One old man who had spent seven years in refugee camps in South East Asia
before coming to Australia said the day he landed in Australia was like dying and
coming to heaven. Cabramatta was a community of ordinary people like that old
man, who recognised the problems of drugs and organised crime in their
community and spoke up and agitated for change. It was a slightly built
Vietnamese man named Thung Ngo who led the charge on behalf of a community
that had had enough of crime and forced a parliamentary inquiry into Cabramatta
which ultimately saved their community from destruction. Not once during that
inquiry did I hear any member of the Cabramatta community - apart from the
Anglo Saxon local member - complain that they were being racially discriminated
against because of the inquiry or its aftermath. They wanted change; they
wanted a safe law-abiding community. It was my duty to do everything I could to
honour my pledge to protect and to serve.
But I have not heard anything like that from the Middle Eastern community.
Initially the gang rapes were the fault of Australian culture, according to
one religious leader in the south west. I note that he has now softened his
stance and is calling for change among Middle Eastern youth. But they are just
words; there seem to be no Thung Ngos among them.
What is it that draws such defence for this community from certain sections of the
media? Why didn't they join in to defend the Asian community during the fallout
from the Cabramatta inquiry? And where are these apologists when it comes to
the plight of our first Australians, our indigenous peoples? Their cause is not
trendy enough, not global like the refugee or Islamic issues. Yet one of the most
depressing sights that has confronted me as a policeman is the shame of Redfern.
I first saw Everleigh Street some twenty two years ago, and nothing has changed
since. The atmosphere of sheer hopelessness and desperation still hangs around
the neck of every young Aborigine who lives in those ghettos, yet they hardly
ever rate a mention.
National threat
The Middle Eastern crime groups and their associates number in the
thousands, not the hundreds as the government and senior police would
have you believe. It is the biggest crime problem we have ever faced,
and it is growing.
Hardly a day goes past without some violent crime involving a "male of Middle
Eastern appearance", though I see lately that description is watered down now to
include "and/or Mediterranean appearance". To an operational policeman, there is
a noticeable difference between an Italian and a Lebanese male.
That these groups of males can roam a city and assault, rob and intimidate at will
can no longer be denied or excused. You need only to look at Paris and other
European countries that have had mass immigration from Middle Eastern
countries to see the sort of problems we can expect in years to come. My
prediction is that within ten years, Middle Eastern crime groups will
spread rapidly across Australia as they seek to expand their enterprises.
There will be no go areas in south western Sydney, just like Paris.
Only recently I have seen quotes from senior police and retired police who claim
that race is not the issue in organised crime. Those statements are stupid and
dangerous. Organised crime groups with the exception of the bikies are almost
always ethnically based - any experienced detective will tell you that. The days of
Anglo Saxon gangs are almost gone, with the exception of one or two local beach
gangs.
I also predict that there will be a dramatic rise in gang shootings as rival gangs
compete for turf and business. This will be done with almost complete disregard
for police attention, as they are well aware that the New South Wales Police has
to be rebuilt from the ground up. We have seen in the past three years the
phenomenon of drive-by shootings, Los Angeles style. Not only are the increasing
incidents a major cause of concern, but also the use of automatic weapons that
spray hundreds of rounds at their targets. This is virtually unprecedented in this
country.
In many ways, what we are seeing is the copying of Los Angeles gangs: the
Crips, the Bloods and others. The motor vehicles, the music, the dress codes, the
haircuts, the weaponry and the attitudes towards authority are almost identical.
These gangs in Los Angeles have been around for nearly thirty years and a
culture has grown around them. The culture surrounding the Middle Eastern
gangs is still in its infancy but the transition is not far away.
When William Bratton, the most innovative police commissioner of
modern times, took over as Los Angeles Police Chief recently, he declared
the gang problems there a national security problem, so serious that it
was beyond the resources of the state of California. There is a lesson for
us there, but we have to learn quickly, or this problem will overtake us.
The blame for the rise of the gangs in Los Angeles is being spread around -
politicians who refused to acknowledge that it was more than just an ethnic
brotherhood searching for their roots; police inaction because of political
constraints as well as incompetence; the civil liberties movement particularly
among the California superior courts that refused for decades to use lengthy
sentences as a deterrent to ethnic based crime on the basis that it discriminated
against minority groups. Whoever is to blame is now irrelevant, but they have left
a terrible legacy for the young generations of citizens of Los Angeles who have to
run the gauntlet of drug-crazed gangsters in the suburbs engaging in deadly
shoot outs and drive-bys nearly every day.
The similarities between the situation here, with the denial by the government of
the extent and the implications of Middle Eastern crime, and the early situation in
Los Angeles is frightening. What we saw with Cabramatta was the covering up of
a major problem by this government, who only acted when the game was up. It's
all about denial. If they can get away with covering up it saves them the worry of
making hard decisions and spending money on fixing problems that have been
allowed to fester for years. The rail system that Michael Costa now has to fix is
yet another example.
There is no investment in the future. It is about looking good day by day. The
Peter Ryan-style policing of day to day media spin is still present. No one seems
to have the courage to say that this is a problem that we need to fix before it gets
worse. The time when the Middle Eastern problem really takes root in this
city, the point from which there is no return, just like Los Angeles, is but
a few years away. The leaders of our government probably hope this will be
another government's fault and that they won't be around to see their legacy.
Maybe we should all buy a property in southern New Zealand.
If the biggest threat to our society is not addressed honestly and effectively
within the next two or three years it will take drastic action and enormous
resources to bring it under control - if that is even possible. The action we can
take now and the resources needed are a fraction of what it may cost in the
future. The potential cost in human terms is unimaginable.
There is also the serious possibility that some of these Middle Eastern
youth that are engaged in organised crime and have no regard for our
values and way of life may go a step further and engage in terrorist acts
against Australia. The ingredients are there already. It is but a small step
from urban terrorism to religious and political terrorism, as we have seen
with groups such as the IRA, where organised crime often became
interwoven with terrorism.
I do not want to paint a picture of gloom, but as a policeman I have seen the
destruction that gangs can wreak on innocent citizens who only want to live their
lives in peace. I just hope we can trust the people in government and the police
to ensure that we don't lose the values and the rights we have received from past
generations.
It is fitting that one day after Remembrance Day, when we look to what was
handed to us by the Second World War generation, probably the most
extraordinary generation of Australians in our short history, we should ask
ourselves: are we going to be remembered for handing a similar legacy to our
children and grandchildren, or are we going to be remembered as the generation
that did nothing about the scourge of gang violence and simply passed it on to.....